A Genius Plan to Modernize North Korea’s Trains

When the North and South Korean leaders had their historic meeting in April, South Korean president Moon Jae-in told North Korean leader Kim Jong Un that he would like to travel through North Korea to hike up Mt. Baekdu. In response, Kim made a surprising admission: he would be “embarrassed” to have Moon travel through North Korea, as “our transportation, honestly, would be uncomfortable.” Kim also noted how North Korea’s Olympians who participated in the PyeongChang Winter Olympics praised South Korea’s high-speed railroad.

That statement, going against the grain of the North Korean regime’s steadfast propaganda, was likely Kim’s signal that he wants to improve his country’s railways. Moon, for his part, handed Kim a thumb drive containing his plan to do just that. At the center of Moon’s “New Economic Map of the Korean Peninsula” is a railway modernization plan that’s much more than an infrastructure project. It’s a key piece in the geopolitical puzzle to connect North Korea to the world—and entice the regime to keep its promises. When it comes to the Korean Peninsula, North Korea’s denuclearization always gets top billing. The international press barely noted the importance of the other points included in the Panmunjom Declaration for peace. But the agreement to re-link the railways between the two countries has the potential to be even more transformative than the promise of a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula.

South Korea’s proposed economic map for the Korean Peninsula, showing the logistical flow through North Korea and how they would connect both countries to global trade patterns.

As a first step, the rail project outlined in the Panmunjom Declaration would connect the railway from Seoul to Pyongyang, passing through Kaeseong in the North. Ultimately, it would end in Shinuiju, North Korea, linking up at the border with Dandong, China. But the ultimate plan drawn up by the South Korean government is much more ambitious. It envisions an additional high-speed line from Seoul to Shinuiju via Pyongyang, along with the modernization of six other railways traversing North Korea. Currently the rails there are so decrepit that trains can only average 50 kilometers an hour, and the rails would break under heavy loads. Retrofitting would allow speeds of 100 kilometers an hour and enable heavier loads. The entire project is estimated to cost approximately US$35 billion.

South Korea’s proposal is a savvy one, crafted with geopolitical implications in mind. Most significantly, the plan would connect North Korea to China and Russia, allowing North Korea to ultimately become a crucial connector between East Asia and Europe. The Shinuiju-Dandong crossing is the hub of North Korea’s commerce with China; adding a high-speed train line would go a long way toward facilitating even more trade, in which South Korea could also participate. The renovated Manpo Line, connecting to Jian, China, would open another logistical connection between North Korea and China in addition to Dandong-Shinuiju. The improved Pyongra Line would connect to Russia’s Trans-Siberian Railroad, allowing overland freight transport from South Korea all the way to Europe, while giving Russia a piece of the action for North Korea’s economic development.

Taken together, these new connections raise the stakes that China and Russia have in North Korea—and that would incentivize them to ensure that North Korea remains stable and keeps the trains running. North Korea would share in these benefits, as its cities on these trade routes likely develop along the way. The Pyongra Line, for example, would connect South Korea’s two largest cities (Seoul and Busan) to North Korea’s third largest city (Chongjin) and its industrial zone with the highest GDP per capita (Rajin). A plan that boosts the economic power of these cities could have a welcome knock-on effect: reducing the influence of the dictatorial decision-makers in Pyongyang.

Of course, with anything concerning North Korea, grand hopes must be accompanied by maximal caution. North Korea is where the best-laid plans go to wither and die. A version of the inter-Korean railway plan has existed for a while; the two Koreas even had a test run for the rail link in May 2007, having two trains cross the demilitarized zone on two spots. Further development stalled, however, because of the overall deterioration of the relationship between the two nations.

Yet there are reasons to be cautiously optimistic this time around. For starters, both South and North Korea specifically want this project. It’s also consistent with what their neighboring countries want as well. China is raring to begin the One Belt One Road Initiative, a massive infrastructure project that would enhance the physical connection between Europe and Asia. The inter-Korean railway could serve as the eastern extension, creating the overland connection between South Korea and the prosperous Chinese cities across the Yellow Sea from the Korean Peninsula, including Beijing and Shanghai.

A stable inter-Korean railway may also motivate Japan to finally begin working on the Korea-Japan undersea tunnel, a project that had been under discussion since the 1980s. If built, it would be the longest undersea tunnel in the world, more than four times the length of the Channel Tunnel between France and the United Kingdom.  According to the South Korean government, the inter-Korean railway plan caught the attention of both the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Asian Development Bank—respectively led by China and Japan, with many other member nations—indicating international support for the inter-Korean railway plan.

As wild as it sounds, we may see within our lifetime a Trans-Eurasian train ride from Tokyo to London—with a pit stop in Pyongyang for its delicious cold noodles.

How Gentrification Affected Philadelphia’s Homeowners

When a neighborhood gentrifies, and housing values go up, incumbent renters in that neighborhood are at risk of being priced out. We all know that story. But what’s the effect on homeowners?  

That is the question a new study from the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia seeks to answer. In it, authors Lei Ding and Jackelyn Hwang examine the effect of gentrification—defined here as “the influx of investment and higher-income households in previously low-income neighborhoods”—on the property tax burdens of homeowners, particularly low-income ones.

As housing prices rise, so could the tax burdens of these residents.  The authors were curious about whether that resulted in a higher rate of tax delinquencies. If so, were vulnerable homeowners being forced to sell their homes or face foreclosure? And did protections for some populations that Philadelphia instituted with the tax increases make a difference?

Philadelphia is a unique case in which to study these questions. In 2013, the city made a sweeping overhaul of its property tax system after criticism that the previous system was based on assessments that were lower than many homes’ market value. The new taxes, through the Actual Value Initiative (AVI), went into effect in 2014 and were derived from what the property assessment office  considered to be the actual market value of the properties. That meant that many homeowners who had been seeing only their housing values rise as their neighborhood gentrified, also saw a sharp rise in property taxes in 2014.

This created circumstances ripe for a natural experiment, the study authors say: By comparing delinquency rates and residential mobility of homeowners in gentrifying and non-gentrifying neighborhoods before and after 2014, the researchers could isolate the effects of these tax hikes.

Their top line finding: the more intense the gentrification, the higher the likelihood of delinquency. Generally, gentrifying neighborhoods in Philadelphia saw a 4.2 percentage point increase in their tax delinquency rate after the property tax overhaul. The ones undergoing the most intense gentrification saw up to a 5.4 percent point increase. Still, the researchers did not see elderly or low-income homeowners selling off their homes and leaving as a result. In fact, the elderly in gentrifying neighborhoods were actually less likely to move, per the study.

One reason, they found, was that the demand for homes in these areas had been dampened by the sharp increases in property taxes, so even if some people were willing to sell, not many were buying. The other reason—perhaps more pertinent to other cities hoping to safeguard homeowners in gentrifying areas—Philadelphia put into place safety nets to ease the tax burden for eligible homeowners in gentrifying areas. However, not all homeowners who qualified applied for these relief programs. That means while property assessments generally increased, not everyone paid the same amount of taxes.

This study found that the city’s Longtime Owner Occupants Program (LOOP) was pretty effective in providing relief. LOOP is a tax abatement initiative started post-AVI for those below a certain income threshold who have lived in their homes for 10 years or more, and experienced at least a three-fold increase in assessed home values within a year. It decreased delinquency rates for homeowners who ended up claiming it in gentrifying neighborhoods.

“By freezing or lowering tax amounts, programs that provide greater relief for long-term residents lower the delinquency risk for homeowners,” the authors of the Philly Fed study write. Philly seems to have realized the necessity of continuing measures like this: A recent amendment passed by the city council lifts the expiration date on this benefit—previously, 10 years—for eligible low-income applicants. The city also recently passed a tax foreclosure diversion bill, so that Philadelphians who are unable to pay their property taxes can defer or come to another arrangement with the city.

Yet the city is still fine-tuning its measuring of actual market value, and has been adjusting resident’s tax bills even after the initial 2014 increases. Not surprisingly, the city has received a record number of appeals, which means people are probably not paying while they contest their assessments. So the high jump in delinquency rates may be the by-product of that and thus a temporary distortion.

The study acknowledges that other factors might come into play and potentially worsen delinquency rates in the long term, eventually succeeding in squeezing homeowners out. But if that happens, tax abatement safety nets like the ones Philly has in place may still be the right answer.

In the Netflix Era, a Video Store Lives On as a Cultural Asset

Four years ago, the owners of Scarecrow Video brought all their staff members together to deliver some bad news. Like video stores across the country, the business was struggling. Its rentals and purchases had decreased dramatically as customers flocked to online streaming services. The owners were writing their own checks just to keep the business running, but they couldn’t do it anymore. It looked like they might have to part with their collection of over 130,000 videos—one of the largest publicly available video archives on earth.

For the staff, the news was devastating. The business had grown from a few hundred tapes in the back of a record store in 1988 into a Seattle icon, or a “movie Mecca,” as one customer called it. In fact, just in the last 15 years, its titles had doubled. “If this collection gets broken up or sold off, a lot of stuff’s going to vanish. It’s going to go into the pockets of collectors. It’s going to wind up in a library basement somewhere,” said Matt Lynch, Scarecrow Video’s marketing coordinator. “We wanted to make sure that it stayed available to people.”

So the staff came together to pitch their own proposal. The idea was simple: They would keep the collection together, in the same space and open to the public, but transform the business into a nonprofit. After some back and forth over details, the owners agreed to donate everything in the store—the films and the shelves they were stored on—to Scarecrow Video, the nonprofit.

The result is something like a museum mixed with a video store. A team of 20 volunteers devotes hours each week to collect movie returns and restock the shelves. Most evenings, they hold one of their many community outreach programs for the public, such as the Children’s Hour, an event with the public library across the street that features a series of stories, videos, and activities for kids that center on a specific theme.

(Hallie Golden/CityLab)

And Scarecrow’s work as a nonprofit has helped to highlight just what could be lost if movie stores were swept away in favor of more convenient technology. Its collection includes films dating back to 1893, representing 129 countries and more than 126 languages. “These are our cultural assets,” said Kate Barr, president of Scarecrow Video. To put in perspective just how many titles they have, consider the fact that the total number of titles available on Netflix and Amazon only total about one-fifth of Scarecrow’s collection.

“It’s a movie-lovers’ paradise,” said Alex Williams, 48, who worked at the store from 1998 to 2000, and said he has shopped there at least once a week ever since. “Pretty much anything you can think of, they have. And that’s not true online.”

It has become increasingly apparent over the past decade that movie businesses can’t compete with the offerings, instant gratification, and automated recommendations of online streaming services. “It would be an understatement to say brick-and-mortar stores are in a state of decline,” said Brett Danaher, assistant professor of Economics and Management Science at Chapman University. The shops that have survived tend to be in remote regions without reliable internet or mail (Blockbuster is still alive in Alaska), serve a community of aging or non-digitally savvy people, or be frequented by customers who patron the shops because of their novelty.

Scarecrow has taken a different path. It exchanged its for-profit business for 501(c)(3) status to keep its diverse collection together and available to the public, leaving it reliant on both rental revenue and support from people all over the world who—whether they’ve been to the store or not—want to see the collection preserved.

Four years later, Scarecrow Video hasn’t just survived, it’s done quite well. It took the staff less than a week to raise the $100,000 they needed to get the nonprofit off the ground, with donations coming from as far away as Australia, Japan, and Bulgaria. And each year when they ask for more money, they’ve been able to get it from a band of loyal patrons.

“People who love movies, whether they’re cinefiles on the one end or just regular old movie lovers, I think people had that feeling of, ‘I want this place to be there when I’m ready to come to it; when I need it,’” Barr said. In honor of the store’s 30th anniversary, the organization just launched a new fundraising campaign on GoFundMe. It’s working to raise $100,000 “to lay the foundation for our next 30 years,” according to its website.

(Hallie Golden/CityLab)

But while this format seems to be working for Scarecrow, the chances of it being some kind of business-saving blueprint for movie stores across the country is unlikely. “You don’t need nearly as many museums as you do stores selling the products when there was actually a lot of demand for them,” Danaher said.

There are other groups that have launched smaller nonprofit video stores in recent years in the U.S., including Facets, in Chicago, and a group in Baltimore plans to open Beyond Video in the spring. But some of these nonprofit ventures have already had to close shop, including Video Fan, in Virginia, and Vidiots, in Los Angeles, which is working to re-open in a new location with cheaper operation costs.

The transition to becoming a nonprofit was not as simple as filing a collection of government paperwork, Barr said. They actually had to re-educate the public about what they were. “There is no precedent in our culture to say, ‘Well this type of video collection is a nonprofit, but this type is a for-profit business,’” she said.

That harsh reality set in when they submitted an application for a grant with Washington’s King County. When Scarecrow didn’t get it, they requested feedback from the peer panel that reviewed the application. They discovered an array of reviewers confused about how Scarecrow Video was able to apply when they’re a “video store.”

The re-education process is slow and cumbersome. And while they’ve made some progress, there’s still more to do. But many in the community are supporting them along the way. In fact, last year, Seattle City Council member Lisa Herbold and Director of the Office of Film and Music, Kate Becker wrote a guest editorial in a local paper about why Scarecrow Video is a Seattle icon.

“No other city in America can boast having such a unique and important collection fully accessible to their residents,” they wrote. “They are truly caretakers of our shared culture, history, and film arts, and undeniably a Seattle institution.”

Operationalizing Racial Equity & Inclusion: Shifting Systems of Power

We recently released a report titled “What Does it Take to Embed a Racial Equity & Inclusion Lens?” that captures themes from internal interviews, a field scan, and learnings from our grantmaking and investments in cities across the country. In the third piece in this four-part series, we share the next three themes that emerged from our research. To read the previous post, click here


8. Addressing systemic racism requires talking about white supremacy and white institutional culture.

White supremacy is not just about Nazis marching with tiki torches. It is a force that is engrained in our culture and operating modes. Culture is powerful precisely because it is so present and at the same time so very difficult to name or identify. Paying attention to how white supremacy manifests in our lives helps us to push against it.
The characteristics of white supremacist culture listed in this document are damaging because they are used as norms and standards without being pro-actively named or chosen by the group. They are damaging because they promote white supremacy thinking. They are damaging to both people of color and to white people. Organizations that are people of color led or a majority people of color can also demonstrate damaging characteristics of white supremacy culture.

Our Recommendations:

Engage in an honest, facilitated, conversation about how white supremacy culture currently manifests at Living Cities and potential antidotes.
Develop/refine/continuously revisit and lift up our working norms with a racial equity and inclusion lens.
Ensure that senior leadership receive coaching such that they can consider how to counter white supremacy culture in their work.

Tools and Resources:

9. To talk about race, we have to talk about inherent power dynamics.

In America, we often talk about racism in a hate vs. love frame, but if we are truly to address racial inequity, we must understand it in terms of power. This is necessary because racism is, at its core, a tool to establish and maintain power structures that are centered around whiteness. When we don’t talk about power and power dynamics at all levels (interpersonal, institutional, and systemic), we perpetuate inequity.

Our Recommendations:

Take truthful stock of power dynamics within our own institution: Start paying attention to who speaks at meetings, in conversations, etc. What are the racial and in some cases gender dynamics? How is the idea of “appropriateness” used; and when and by whom? How do people disengage from conversations about race? Who is disengaging? How does that disengagement relate to power?

Consider power dynamics in our work: Do community members and people of color have decision-making control in efforts we support? What are the narratives we use to explain why or why not? How are these narratives related to power?
Use a power analysis in our communications about racial equity and in our programmatic work.

Tools and Resources:

10. We cannot advance racial equity until we focus on anti-black racism and intersectionality.

“Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy. Until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole.” –Ta-Nehisi Coates

It is important for those working on economic inequality and other social issues to focus on anti-Black racism because it is the root cause for the inequity we see today. Indeed, it is clear that we will not achieve economic equity for all people without addressing it. In other words, in America, Anti-Black racism is the foundational architecture for the strategies, tactics, tools, and cultural worldviews that created and maintain racial oppression, repression, and exclusion. It is also true that these same strategies, tactics, tools, and cultural worldviews are being used against other communities, including Latinx communities, Asian and Pacific Islander communities, LGBTQ communities, and women. So, it is important to start with an understanding of anti-Blackness, and to then apply an intersectional analysis and lens to ensure that the unique experiences of other communities, and of individuals all of us whom necessarily sit at the intersection of ,multiple identities, are not being erased.

Our Recommendations:

Include in its racial equity and inclusion learning curriculum, readings, speakers, and media about why considering anti-Black racism is fundamental to achieving racial equity and inclusion, and about intersectionality.
Engage in conversation with our sites, such as New Orleans, San Francisco and Baltimore, that are centering anti-Black racism in their work to understand what that looks like in local efforts.
Invest in Black-led social change efforts and partner with Black-led organizations.

Tools and Resources:

[[big-button “Read the Full Racial Equity & Inclusion Report” “https://www.livingcities.org/resources/342-report-what-does-it-take-to-embed-a-racial-equity-inclusion-lens”]]


All artwork from this series comes from CultureStrike’s”Until We Are All Free“ project.

Supporting Affordable Residential Access to Community Solar in Minnesota

In April, ILSR submitted comments in support of affordable residential access to community solar for review by Minnesota’s Public Utilities Commission. These comments concerned a proposed residential adder framework outlined as part of the state’s community solar program and Minnesota Department of Commerce Value of Solar calculation. We argue that, in a recent analysis submitted to the Commission by Xcel Energy, the utility exaggerated costs likely to be incurred under this new framework. Our comments support those made by allies such as Cooperative Energy Futures and advocate for adder calculations that ensure financeability and broad participation among residential subscribers to the state’s community solar program.… Read More

The post Supporting Affordable Residential Access to Community Solar in Minnesota appeared first on Institute for Local Self-Reliance.

Wakanda, New Davonhaime: The Yearning for a New Black City

A park blooms on the concrete floor: green carpets, a bench painted in warm hues, a wooden chair with a squat, vibrant pillow. Plush green cushions sit atop milk crates like inviting toadstools. The park is a part of New Davonhaime, the conceptual city created by artist Azikiwe Mohammed.

New Davonhaime’s moniker was stitched together using names of some of the American cities with the highest density of African-American residents: New Orleans, Louisiana; Detroit, Michigan; Jackson, Mississippi; Birmingham, Alabama; and Savannah, Georgia. Different versions of the installation have popped up across the country, but from May 4 to 6, New Davonhaime will be in New York City as a representation of an outdoor space at the 154 Contemporary African Art Fair, a showcase of art from Africa and its diaspora.

“Two Ladies Taking a Beach Break” (Teresa Mathew)

“America is great for a lot of people,” said Mohammed. However, he continued, given his identity as a black man, “I just happen to not be one of them. So I made a different place.” He aimed to create a space where black Americans could feel both safe and acknowledged.

Five different cities give New Davonhaime its name, but don’t expect to find a miniature version of New Orleans’ French Quarter or Detroit’s Ambassador Bridge in sight. Mohammed purposely wanted to create a sense of spatial ambiguity, so visitors could settle in and project their own memories and needs onto the installation. The point, he said, was to “leave it open—make it just black enough that black people can be like yup, got it.”

As he developed the project, Mohammed distributed postcards across the country and asked people to mail them back to him, requesting that they write—in the form of a memory—about something they were not getting in their own cities and would like to get elsewhere. He sorted through the memories to decide the needs and feel of New Davonhaime, seeing it as a place that could stitch together what worked in other cities and fill the gaps that they left behind.  

“New Davonhaime is a town,” he said, “and towns aren’t defined by any one story. If I made a place that was just based on my own ideas and concerns, people would visit—but it wouldn’t turn a personal corner for them.”

One person mailed a postcard saying they wanted their dad back. That, Mohammed said, “points to me that he was taken by an entity—that you feel like you could retrieve [him], likely [from] some kind of governmental intervention. That speaks to you not having agency to prevent giant losses in your life. You don’t have the means, the opportunity, the time.” So he decided to create photo albums, where visitors could come in and leave photos of their relatives. “If your family isn’t as robust as you would wish it to be for a variety of reasons, we have black community family albums,” he said. “Here’s a loaner family.”

New Davonhaime’s emphasis on black community, safety, and belonging, might bring to mind Wakanda: Black Panther’s thriving African nation untouched by colonialism, which was created by weaving together different cultural threads from across the continent. But Mohammed shies away from calling New Davonhaime a utopia, and wants viewers to draw their comparisons to other, real-life examples.

“Wakanda is amazing—the idea of it, the way it was visualized. But it’s not realistic for a million reasons,” he said. “To find a self-sustaining black magic land you don’t have to look too far. Haiti has a lot of issues, but they won their slave rebellion and then made a country. That’s insane. The entire history of Egypt: there are examples of these things that have worked. A utopia is something that can’t exist and never really intended to exist. And, because of this lack of intention, you put all your hopes and wishes there—but not any of your goals. You don’t work towards making that happen. You just keep it as a mental safeguard against the horrible realities we have to deal with on a day-to-day basis.”

One of those realities is the way black bodies are treated in public spaces, he said. Black boys cannot play with toys in parks; black men cannot sit patiently at a table in Starbucks; young black women cannot go to a neighborhood pool party, without the fear of violence.

So while previous versions of New Davonhaime have focused on interiors, this new iteration provided Mohammed the chance to play with public space. The installation at 154 doesn’t have many of the pieces previously seen in Mohammed’s other renditions of New Davonhaime: photo albums, painted mirrors, bright neon signs. Instead, it focuses on rest and relaxation rather than remembrance.

The park has allowances for the three different levels of what Mohammed termed “bodily activation”—walking, short-term resting, and longer-term leisure (like having a picnic). “If you can design a space that encourages those three options, then you’ve designed a good, functioning public space,” he said.

Carpets, milkcrate chairs, and other parts of the New Davonhaime park (Teresa Mathew)

There is a neon cooler in the corner to symbolize picnicking, and the way food goes hand in hand with leisure and outdoor space. A floral tapestry hangs on a wall to be used later in the show as a photo backdrop where Mohammed will photograph visitors. This, he said, is “a way to have yourself seen—to include yourself in the circumstances at a ground level.” He plans to subtly alter the show throughout the weekend, observing visitors’ traffic patterns and seeing how best to arrange the environment he has created.

“If you’re comfortable and physically relaxed, you can take in the ideas that are around the place and spend more time with it,” Mohammed said. “If I could make the space comfortable enough for you to spend the time you want to spend, it starts to become yours. And if something is yours, you’re safe there.”

CityLab Daily: A Gentle Revolution for ‘Solar City’

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An aerial view of Babcock Ranch near Fort Myers, which is projected to have 50,000 residents by the time it’s completed. (Babcock Ranch)

Sunshine state of mind: On first glance, Babcock Ranch doesn’t look much different from other planned communities in Florida, but the suburban development has high hopes. As the first solar-powered city in the United States, solar panels on public and commercial buildings power all the downtown amenities you could dream of, from gastropubs to swimming pools. Self-driving shuttles roam the streets. “Solar trees” provide phone-charging spots in public spaces.

The first 20 residents moved in this January, and the 440 acres of solar panels provide more than enough power for all their utilities. But the sustainable community is still in its infancy. Over the next 20 years, its developer hopes to offer 19,500 homes outfitted with high-tech and environmentally friendly features to draw in 50,000 residents.

Read the full story on CityLab: Can a New ‘Solar City’ Make Suburbia Green?

Andrew Small


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Sarah Holder

The Great Housing Reset

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Richard Florida

The War on Cars, Norwegian Edition

Oslo is still planning to go car-free by 2019, thanks to an ambitious network of bike lanes. But old habits do die hard.

Laura Bliss

America, Land of the Young and Lonely

A survey suggests young adults belong to the loneliness generation—but experts say it’s too early to call it an epidemic.

Linda Poon

A Witness to the Desegregation—and Resegregation—of America’s Schools

Rebecca Palacios began teaching soon after a landmark court case mandated integration of Latino schools—and watched the case’s effects weaken over decades.

Kristina Rizga


The Hunger Belt

(Feeding America)

This map from Feeding America, a domestic hunger relief organization, shows U.S. food insecurity in 2016. About 12 percent of households meet the USDA’s definition of food insecure, meaning they have experienced a lack of access to enough healthy food for all members of a household. That includes 41 million individuals, about 12 million of whom are children.

The interactive map zooms to the state and county level, showing how many food-insecure people qualify for nutritional assistance programs like SNAP. It also points out the average meal costs, food budget shortfalls, and the locations of nearby Feeding America network food banks. How does your hometown compare, and are there any interesting initiatives we should know about there? Drop us a line: hello@citylab.com.

CityLab context: Why Can’t America Solve the Hunger Problem?


What We’re Reading

America is more diverse than ever—but still segregated (Washington Post)

These are the best cities for biking in the United States (Fast Company)

How new transit options are affecting rents (Curbed)

New York City street parking is preposterously corrupt (Slate)

As Durham changes, black residents ask: Is there still room for us? (New York Times)


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